R****a
发帖数: 6858 | 1 从而便于在中东北非发动针对美元的代理人战争.
The Russia-China Axis Grows
March 14, 2013 By Ariel Cohen 16 Comments
34 Print This Post
China’s new president Xi Jinping will make his first official foreign visit
later this month. He will visit Russia, in a trip Chinese sources say “
will improve relations and cement strategic partnership.”
Washington should pay attention to the strengthening ties between Moscow and
Beijing. These giant neighbors have the longest shared land border in the
world, and trade between the two nations is booming–at around $90 billion
annually. Washington needs to do everything possible to prevent the
emergence of a new Eurasian anti-American axis.
Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Russian and Chinese bilateral relations
have vastly improved. Currently, both countries would like to displace what
they call U.S. “hegemony,” especially along their borders.
Russia has repeatedly demanded that the U.S. pull out of the Manas air force
base in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. Moreover, it insists the U.S. ask for Moscow
’s approval before deploying any forces in Central Asia – even when they
are needed to fight Islamist terrorism. China would like to keep the U.S.
naval presence in Western Pacific in check.
Russia’s assertive foreign policy, with its anti-American propaganda
overtones, seeks to establish a Russian “pole” in the global world order.
Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi said that Xi’s “upcoming visit is
expected to add new impetus to the further development of the China-Russia
comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination.” Translated from
Chinese diplomatese, this means, “It is really, really important, but we
won’t tell you what they are going to talk about.”
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov echoed his Chinese colleague’s
sentiment:
Russia and China have united positions, and promote these united positions
in negotiations, on the situation in the Middle East and North Africa,
including the Syrian crisis, Afghanistan, the Iranian nuclear program and
other crises…. On all these cases, we and our Chinese friends are led by
one and the same principle — the necessity to observe international law,
respect UN procedures and not allow interference from outside in domestic
conflicts and all the more the use of force.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which Moscow and Beijing founded,
aims to fight “the three evils: separatism, extremism, and terrorism.”
There are enough secessionist areas to go around: Chechnya, Tibet, Xinjiang,
Taiwan. Both countries want international support to keep their separatists
in check.
Sino–Russian cooperation is not just geopolitical but also ideological.
Russia and China want to halt the spread of liberal democracy. This means
keeping the U.S. out of their internal affairs, as well as those of regimes
friendly to them. They believe that any government has a right to crack down
on internal dissent or censure the press, including the Internet.
With these principles in mind, they have worked in concert to check U.S.
efforts in the Middle East and protect their own interests, such as
legitimizing authoritarian regimes. They vetoed and stifled sanctions and
internationally supported peace plans for Syria. They enabled Iran to
continue its nuclear program by refusing to tighten sanctions.
China, which is the principal supporter of North Korea, condemns even the
possibility of military action against Pyongyang—and so does Russia. They
increasingly present an alternative to Western-style democracy and are two
stalwarts of the anti-US front, which also includes Iran and Venezuela.
Russia and China are expanding their economic ties. The two countries have
already moved to trade with each other using their own currencies—thus
excluding the dollar. Moscow and Beijing have promised to increase trade
dramatically over the next decade, and they are working on finalizing a deal
on the most important sector of their bilateral trade: energy.
Russian Deputy Prime Minister Arkady Dvorkovich is conducting negotiations
in China on a natural gas deal, saying that a “significant breakthrough”
has been made over the past few months. This gas pipeline will connect
Russia’s abundant gas reserves with China’s ever-growing need for energy.
The United States should work to prevent the Beijing-Moscow axis from taking
root. After all, this was the main effort of the Nixon-Kissinger effort 40
years ago. China is making inroads in the Middle East and East Asia—two
regions that remain pivotal to U.S. interests. China is using soft power to
expand its influence along the Indian Ocean rim and in Africa. Chinese state
-owned businesses are investing heavily in Afghan natural resources, and
Beijing wields a great deal of influence in Pakistan.
Russia is executing its own “pivot to Asia”—something Moscow highlighted
when hosting the 24th APEC summit in Vladivostok last fall. Like China,
Russia also has an island dispute of its own with Japan over the Kuril
Islands. As Beijing takes a hard line with its quarrel, the two could join
forces to exert pressure on Japan and lend international credibility to each
other’s territorial claims. Yet Russia is pursuing a rapprochement with
Japan, Korea and Vietnam, indicating that it may be weary of the rising
giant of China.
A China-Russia partnership is championing a selective commitment to “
noninterference in internal affairs.” which plays well with the other
authoritarian regimes around the world. They seek arms contracts and
economic ties while looking the other way on nations’ human rights abuses.
However, as China continues to expand its sphere of influence through
military, economic, smart, and soft power, Russia may become its junior
partner in international affairs. China’s rapid economic rise, including in
Central Asia, and Beijing’s desire for an enhanced global position could
spell trouble for the Sino-Russian relationship down the road.
Russia’s economy is lagging behind China, and Moscow could easily turn into
a natural resource appendage for Beijing. Further, densely populated
Chinese provinces border the sparsely populated Russian Far East, provoking
fear in Moscow that Chinese immigrants will come to dominate a large part of
Siberia.
Today, Russia blames the U.S. for its “time of troubles” in the 1990s,
when a weak and corrupt central government presided over the economic slump
and inflation. Moreover, Moscow is increasingly rejecting “Western values”
such as same-sex marriages.
Nostalgic for the empire gone, Russian post-Soviet elites blame the U.S. for
“orange revolutions” such as in Georgia (2003) and Ukraine (2004), and
meddling into its “near abroad,” including NATO enlargement. Operation
Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan, while supported by Russia, troubled Moscow
and Beijing. China sees the “pivot to Asia” as containment policy.
For now, mutual geopolitical and economic interests are drawing Russia and
China together into a partnership of convenience. Xi’s first visit sends
the clear message that China seeks to cement closer ties with its neighbors
—and not with the U.S.
Henry Kissinger’s postulate that a Russia-China axis is not in U.S.
national security interests still stands. Washington should plan its policy
accordingly. | b*p
发帖数: 2208 | 2 沾上黑木三，不死也脱层皮
visit
and
【在 R****a 的大作中提到】
: 从而便于在中东北非发动针对美元的代理人战争.
: The Russia-China Axis Grows
: March 14, 2013 By Ariel Cohen 16 Comments
: 34 Print This Post
: China’s new president Xi Jinping will make his first official foreign visit
: later this month. He will visit Russia, in a trip Chinese sources say “
: will improve relations and cement strategic partnership.”
: Washington should pay attention to the strengthening ties between Moscow and
: Beijing. These giant neighbors have the longest shared land border in the
: world, and trade between the two nations is booming–at around $90 billion
| M*****n
发帖数: 16729 | | l*****o
发帖数: 9235 | 4 可以鼓励伊斯兰用他们的肚皮向西欧北米扩张，可以复制墨西哥人在北米的成功 |
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