m*******e
发帖数: 21667 | 1 http://www.economist.com/node/17308123
China's succession
The next emperor
A crown prince is anointed in a vast kingdom facing vaster stresses. China i
s in a fragile state
Oct 21st 2010
http://www.economist.com/sites/default/files/images/images-magazine/2010/10/
23/ld/20101023_ldp002.jpg
“WITH you in charge, I am at ease,” Mao Zedong is supposed to have told hi
s successor, Hua Guofeng. It proved a disastrous choice. Mr Hua lasted a cou
ple of years before being toppled in 1978. A decade later succession plans o
nce again unravelled spectacularly, against a backdrop of pro-democracy unre
st. Only once, eight years ago, has China’s Communist Party managed a smoot
h transfer of power—to Hu Jintao. Now a new transition is under way. The wo
rld should be nervous about it for two reasons: the unknown character of Chi
na’s next leader; and the brittle nature of a regime that is far less monol
ithic and assured than many foreigners assume.
The man ordained to take over Mr Hu’s twin roles as party chief in 2012 and
president the following year is hardly a household name. On October 18th Vi
ce-President Xi Jinping was given a new job as vice-chairman of China’s Cen
tral Military Commission, which Mr Hu heads. This is a position for leaders-
in-waiting. The portly son of one of Communist China’s founders, little kno
wn to the outside world until a few years ago, Mr Xi is preparing to take th
e helm of a country with the world’s second-biggest economy and its biggest
armed forces—and which is in the midst of wrenching social change.
Quite how he has risen so high in a party that, for all its growing engageme
nt with the world, remains deeply secretive, is unclear. Mr Xi’s appointmen
t was eerily similar to the recent anointing of Kim Jong Un in North Korea:
he too was made vice-chairman of a military commission after a closed-door p
arty conclave, without public explanation. China’s leaders at least offered
a sentence on Mr Xi’s appointment, albeit at the end of an arid 4,600-char
acter communiqué after the fifth party congress (see article).
On the positive side, Mr Xi has held some big posts in the most economically
dynamic and globally integrated parts of the country: the coastal provinces
of Fujian and Zhejiang as well as, briefly, Shanghai. He is a relatively co
smopolitan figure. His wife is a popular singer. But it is impossible to ass
ess how well qualified he is to run the country or how assured his successio
n is. On the face of it, one engineer whose father was denounced during the
Cultural Revolution is handing over to another. But Mr Xi is a relative newc
omer to the inner circle; he has not served as long as Mr Hu had in 2002. Th
ere are plenty in the party who resent the rise to power of well-connected “
princelings” like Mr Xi. A two-year transition will be a test.
All this one day will be yours
All the same, it is the immensity of the task, not the obscurity of the man,
that should make the world nervous. For all their outward expressions of un
ity, there are signs of disagreement among Chinese leaders over what the cou
ntry’s priorities should be—both on the economy and on political reform.
The economy is sprinting along by Western standards, but China faces a hard
adjustment to wean itself off excessive investment and exports in favour of
more reliance on consumption. The communiqué unveiled guidelines for a new
five-year economic plan (see article). This calls for a more sustainable pac
e of growth, with wage-earners getting a bigger share of the national income
. This would be good for China and the world, helping to narrow the trade su
rplus that annoys America so much. But the change will not be painless. Expo
rters fear business will suffer if wages soar or the yuan rises fast. Powerf
ul state-owned enterprises, used to cheap credit, land and energy, will resi
st threats to these privileges.
As for political reform, Chinese leaders have talked about democracy for the
past 30 years, but done little. Rapid growth and the spread of the internet
and mobile phones have enabled Chinese citizens to communicate, vent their
grievances and pursue their dreams more freely than before, so long as they
do not attack the party. But some are now demanding more say in how the coun
try is run. In the past few weeks China’s more liberal newspapers have enth
used about calls by the prime minister, Wen Jiabao, for “political reform”
. Conservative newspapers have censored them.
There is next to no chance of the cautious Mr Hu bringing in big reforms bef
ore he steps down. This week’s communiqué hailed the “political advantage
s of China’s socialist system” and mentioned political reform only briefly
, saying—as Chinese leaders so often do—that it will require “vigorous ye
t steady” effort. Even Mr Wen, who will step down at the same time as Mr Hu
, has wanted to move at glacial speed.
Expect paranoia and you may be pleasantly surprised
Might Mr Xi speed things up? There is no shortage of conservatives arguing f
or caution, but there is also a pragmatic argument for change: China’s econ
omic gains could be jeopardised by a failure to loosen the party’s hold. Ex
plosions of public discontent, fuelled by resentment of government callousne
ss towards ordinary citizens, are becoming increasingly common in villages,
towns and cities across the country. The (admittedly patchy) official data s
how a more than tenfold increase in the annual number of large protests and
disturbances since 1993, with more than 90,000 cases reported in each of the
past four years. In the past China’s leaders have relied on growth to secu
re social stability. If and when a more serious slowdown strikes, popular gr
umbles could increase.
The right path for Mr Xi should be clear: relax the party’s grip on dissent
, lift its shroud of secrecy and make vital economic reforms. But the rest o
f the world would be unwise to assume that reason will prevail. In times of
uncertainty, the regime is wont to appeal to nationalist sentiment. Large an
ti-Japanese protests erupted during the latest party meeting. America and th
e West have also been subjected to tongue-lashings. The party meeting called
on officials to strengthen “the country’s comprehensive national power”.
Too many Westerners, including those urging trade sanctions over the yuan, a
ssume that they are dealing with a self-confident, rational power that has c
ome of age. Think instead of a paranoid, introspective imperial court, alrea
dy struggling to keep up with its subjects and now embarking on a slightly a
wkward succession—and you may be less disappointed. |
b****s
发帖数: 1300 | 2 啧啧啧，看看人家这行文、用词，和修辞，时不时代表下全世界，然后贩卖点私货，中
宣部真是得好好学学！ |
u****n
发帖数: 7521 | 3 Fxxk The Economists. 什么时候英国政府不给补助了，来投靠zxb吧。
i
hi
cou
【在 m*******e 的大作中提到】
: http://www.economist.com/node/17308123
: China's succession
: The next emperor
: A crown prince is anointed in a vast kingdom facing vaster stresses. China i
: s in a fragile state
: Oct 21st 2010
: http://www.economist.com/sites/default/files/images/images-magazine/2010/10/
: 23/ld/20101023_ldp002.jpg
: “WITH you in charge, I am at ease,” Mao Zedong is supposed to have told hi
: s successor, Hua Guofeng. It proved a disastrous choice. Mr Hua lasted a cou
|
s**********t
发帖数: 2401 | 4 economist文章能下载嘛
【在 b****s 的大作中提到】
: 啧啧啧，看看人家这行文、用词，和修辞，时不时代表下全世界，然后贩卖点私货，中
: 宣部真是得好好学学！
|
u****n
发帖数: 7521 | 5 有些可以，有些要订阅。
“WITH you in charge, I am at ease,” Mao Zedong is supposed to have told
his successor, Hua Guofeng. It proved a disastrous choice.
【在 s**********t 的大作中提到】
: economist文章能下载嘛
|
s**********t
发帖数: 2401 | 6 一本要6欧元，舍不得买
【在 u****n 的大作中提到】
: 有些可以，有些要订阅。
: “WITH you in charge, I am at ease,” Mao Zedong is supposed to have told
: his successor, Hua Guofeng. It proved a disastrous choice.
|
u****n
发帖数: 7521 | 7 有那么多的中国网民上the Economist？老外都抱怨angry comments from Chinese
readers。
trustbutverify wrote:
Oct 21st 2010 4:40 GMT
Before the slew of angry comments from Chinese readers arrives...
I will say the Economist is being a bit harsh here. Any government (they are
all big bureaucracies after all) would struggle to keep up with an economy
that doubles in size every 7-8 years. For a bunch of "paranoid communists"
the Chinese leadership has actually not done so badly at all. |
M**d
发帖数: 4418 | 8 我没有看文章，直接看读者评论了。呵呵，我现在看很多西方媒体的中国报道都是这样
，可惜NYT的好像很多文章都不让评论了。
这篇的读者评论很值得看。我觉得里面有很多学者。读者评论的水平和立场让我很欣慰
。当然，路还很长。美国的学者、精英大多知道媒体对中国的不公，但他们拿不到麦克
风，所以只能眼睁睁看着这些记者对民众进行洗脑。少数能拿到麦克风的学者，确是反
华的附庸，这些人很清楚，学者同行很少敢跟他们叫板，因为这些反华附庸学者有着强
大的被洗脑的民众和舆论机器撑腰。谁敢跟他们叫板，要先想好如何不被扣上支持共产
主义和独裁的帽子。唉，难。
i
hi
cou
【在 m*******e 的大作中提到】
: http://www.economist.com/node/17308123
: China's succession
: The next emperor
: A crown prince is anointed in a vast kingdom facing vaster stresses. China i
: s in a fragile state
: Oct 21st 2010
: http://www.economist.com/sites/default/files/images/images-magazine/2010/10/
: 23/ld/20101023_ldp002.jpg
: “WITH you in charge, I am at ease,” Mao Zedong is supposed to have told hi
: s successor, Hua Guofeng. It proved a disastrous choice. Mr Hua lasted a cou
|
b****g
发帖数: 4933 | 9 所以非打仗不可
【在 M**d 的大作中提到】
: 我没有看文章，直接看读者评论了。呵呵，我现在看很多西方媒体的中国报道都是这样
: ，可惜NYT的好像很多文章都不让评论了。
: 这篇的读者评论很值得看。我觉得里面有很多学者。读者评论的水平和立场让我很欣慰
: 。当然，路还很长。美国的学者、精英大多知道媒体对中国的不公，但他们拿不到麦克
: 风，所以只能眼睁睁看着这些记者对民众进行洗脑。少数能拿到麦克风的学者，确是反
: 华的附庸，这些人很清楚，学者同行很少敢跟他们叫板，因为这些反华附庸学者有着强
: 大的被洗脑的民众和舆论机器撑腰。谁敢跟他们叫板，要先想好如何不被扣上支持共产
: 主义和独裁的帽子。唉，难。
:
: i
|
o****y
发帖数: 26355 | 10 你太关心外国人怎么评论中国了，
外国人看中国，根本看不懂的。
无论是批判中国和支持中国的学者。
【在 M**d 的大作中提到】
: 我没有看文章，直接看读者评论了。呵呵，我现在看很多西方媒体的中国报道都是这样
: ，可惜NYT的好像很多文章都不让评论了。
: 这篇的读者评论很值得看。我觉得里面有很多学者。读者评论的水平和立场让我很欣慰
: 。当然，路还很长。美国的学者、精英大多知道媒体对中国的不公，但他们拿不到麦克
: 风，所以只能眼睁睁看着这些记者对民众进行洗脑。少数能拿到麦克风的学者，确是反
: 华的附庸，这些人很清楚，学者同行很少敢跟他们叫板，因为这些反华附庸学者有着强
: 大的被洗脑的民众和舆论机器撑腰。谁敢跟他们叫板，要先想好如何不被扣上支持共产
: 主义和独裁的帽子。唉，难。
:
: i
|
|
|
m*******e
发帖数: 21667 | |
s**********t
发帖数: 2401 | |
m*******e
发帖数: 21667 | 13 你付我美刀，我就可以给你搞到，半价就行，哈哈。
【在 s**********t 的大作中提到】
: 操，好！如果每一期都有就好了
|
s**********t
发帖数: 2401 | 14 不能把日子当买卖干啊
【在 m*******e 的大作中提到】
: 你付我美刀，我就可以给你搞到，半价就行，哈哈。
|
m*******e
发帖数: 21667 | 15 这期我还没读呢，看了个封面，咣叽，那名字就够吸引人。
【在 s**********t 的大作中提到】
: 不能把日子当买卖干啊
|
M**d
发帖数: 4418 | 16 我为什么关心外国人怎么评价中国？这是个很好的问题。谢谢给我机会和各位说说我们
为什么需要关心。我关心，不是因为我关心外国人，而是因为我关心中国而关心他们的
评价。那有人说，让他们说好了，我们走自己的路。是的，我们要走自己的路，但问题
是，美国很强大，还喜欢做世界警察。如果我们不能多少争取他们的民心和舆论，那么
那些反华当权人士就会更嚣张。不要让oldguy这样的老将说服你不要去care他们的评论
，因为反华老将就是要我们不要care，不要去影响这些评论，这样国外的反华舆论才能
发展地更顺利。也不要让别人说服你，你什么也做不了。有机会和美国人接触，拿出学
术态度跟他们宣传中国，只要克制住自己的激动，你就能产生影响。
【在 o****y 的大作中提到】
: 你太关心外国人怎么评论中国了，
: 外国人看中国，根本看不懂的。
: 无论是批判中国和支持中国的学者。
|
o****y
发帖数: 26355 | 17 我不反对你去争取，基本是没有用的。
中国自己的发展是最好的说明。
当年美国人认为中国人穷困潦倒，
现在又觉得中国富得流油啊。
【在 M**d 的大作中提到】
: 我为什么关心外国人怎么评价中国？这是个很好的问题。谢谢给我机会和各位说说我们
: 为什么需要关心。我关心，不是因为我关心外国人，而是因为我关心中国而关心他们的
: 评价。那有人说，让他们说好了，我们走自己的路。是的，我们要走自己的路，但问题
: 是，美国很强大，还喜欢做世界警察。如果我们不能多少争取他们的民心和舆论，那么
: 那些反华当权人士就会更嚣张。不要让oldguy这样的老将说服你不要去care他们的评论
: ，因为反华老将就是要我们不要care，不要去影响这些评论，这样国外的反华舆论才能
: 发展地更顺利。也不要让别人说服你，你什么也做不了。有机会和美国人接触，拿出学
: 术态度跟他们宣传中国，只要克制住自己的激动，你就能产生影响。
|
m*******e
发帖数: 21667 | 18 基本没用，还是有一点用的嘛，总比没有强。
【在 o****y 的大作中提到】
: 我不反对你去争取，基本是没有用的。
: 中国自己的发展是最好的说明。
: 当年美国人认为中国人穷困潦倒，
: 现在又觉得中国富得流油啊。
|
s**********t
发帖数: 2401 | 19 学术界现在正在搞一个从周边看中国，唐宋元明清时期，很不错。
【在 o****y 的大作中提到】
: 我不反对你去争取，基本是没有用的。
: 中国自己的发展是最好的说明。
: 当年美国人认为中国人穷困潦倒，
: 现在又觉得中国富得流油啊。
|
U*E
发帖数: 3620 | 20 haha. lookat HUYu's comments: here was a superb scholar of most impressive
credentials. (Let's call him our magnificent Uncle Sam.) He is however, no
farmer, that is, our humble farmer of low origin, who may grace your
fragranced face with his dirty spit from time to time. Our scholar moves
into the village, and tries his hand in planting our most high-yield rice to
endow his new found community with, let's say, additional happiness. (Let's
call it democracy.) It is hard labour indeed. After two months of labour,
the scholar finds that the rice has not grown enough, at least not to the
height his theoretical wisdom should dictate. Believing he is infinitely
superior to our humble farmer, he decides the lift the buds across the field
to help them to grow. Hard labour again, with his bare hands, of course.
The rest you can put your vivid imagination to good work.
i
hi
cou
【在 m*******e 的大作中提到】
: http://www.economist.com/node/17308123
: China's succession
: The next emperor
: A crown prince is anointed in a vast kingdom facing vaster stresses. China i
: s in a fragile state
: Oct 21st 2010
: http://www.economist.com/sites/default/files/images/images-magazine/2010/10/
: 23/ld/20101023_ldp002.jpg
: “WITH you in charge, I am at ease,” Mao Zedong is supposed to have told hi
: s successor, Hua Guofeng. It proved a disastrous choice. Mr Hua lasted a cou
|
|
|
U*E
发帖数: 3620 | 21 ArchmageXin: 1)) When Deng was dying, western world and paraniod Taiwanese
were all preparing for a Armageddon like a Tom Clancy Novel. But...NOTHING
HAPPENED. 2) When Hong Kong was returned to China, everyone was expecting
concentration camps in the former British Colony. But... NOTHING HAPPENED.
Oh wait, the Hong Kongnese were allowed free travel to China and their
economy grow by nearly 100%. THE HORROR! Call the human right agencies! 3)
At the turn of the century, Chinese agents hijacked 4 American Airliners and
crashed them into the World Trade Center and Pentagon...oh wait, they didn'
t....
i
hi
cou
【在 m*******e 的大作中提到】
: http://www.economist.com/node/17308123
: China's succession
: The next emperor
: A crown prince is anointed in a vast kingdom facing vaster stresses. China i
: s in a fragile state
: Oct 21st 2010
: http://www.economist.com/sites/default/files/images/images-magazine/2010/10/
: 23/ld/20101023_ldp002.jpg
: “WITH you in charge, I am at ease,” Mao Zedong is supposed to have told hi
: s successor, Hua Guofeng. It proved a disastrous choice. Mr Hua lasted a cou
|
U*E
发帖数: 3620 | 22 ArchmageXin:Also, Dear author, He is not a emperor, emperors don't have to
step down and get a free pass power transfer to his son. He got a term limit
, and his son is not automatically qualified to be the next leader. Unlike
say..the Bush family or the Kim Dong Family in Korea. Get the facts straight
, or at least pretend to. ---- did he has a son? ???
i
hi
cou
【在 m*******e 的大作中提到】
: http://www.economist.com/node/17308123
: China's succession
: The next emperor
: A crown prince is anointed in a vast kingdom facing vaster stresses. China i
: s in a fragile state
: Oct 21st 2010
: http://www.economist.com/sites/default/files/images/images-magazine/2010/10/
: 23/ld/20101023_ldp002.jpg
: “WITH you in charge, I am at ease,” Mao Zedong is supposed to have told hi
: s successor, Hua Guofeng. It proved a disastrous choice. Mr Hua lasted a cou
|
M**d
发帖数: 4418 | 23 再次谢谢你给我机会对旁观者说，不要觉得你做得基本没用。我非常明显到，至少在媒
体的读者评论里面，为中国说话的，比起08年以前的，要明显增多，而且很多是外国人
写的（从英语用词感觉）。08年是一个值得纪念的年份，可以说是西方反华舆论的滑铁
卢年，导火索是对西藏暴乱的报道。改变了我，相信很多人，的想法。然后四川地震、
奥运等一系列事情，似乎海外民心大回归。这些人已经在网上形成了一种正面客观宣传
中国的力量。我们不指望能够撼动美国的舆论机器，但我们在西方媒体上的评论，一两
句话都是有作用的，只要你能体现一种成熟的学术气质。请相信，这么多人，每人一个
星期在西方媒体上来一两句，有用的。
【在 o****y 的大作中提到】
: 我不反对你去争取，基本是没有用的。
: 中国自己的发展是最好的说明。
: 当年美国人认为中国人穷困潦倒，
: 现在又觉得中国富得流油啊。
|
v******t
发帖数: 3404 | 24 赞+支持~！！
【在 M**d 的大作中提到】
: 再次谢谢你给我机会对旁观者说，不要觉得你做得基本没用。我非常明显到，至少在媒
: 体的读者评论里面，为中国说话的，比起08年以前的，要明显增多，而且很多是外国人
: 写的（从英语用词感觉）。08年是一个值得纪念的年份，可以说是西方反华舆论的滑铁
: 卢年，导火索是对西藏暴乱的报道。改变了我，相信很多人，的想法。然后四川地震、
: 奥运等一系列事情，似乎海外民心大回归。这些人已经在网上形成了一种正面客观宣传
: 中国的力量。我们不指望能够撼动美国的舆论机器，但我们在西方媒体上的评论，一两
: 句话都是有作用的，只要你能体现一种成熟的学术气质。请相信，这么多人，每人一个
: 星期在西方媒体上来一两句，有用的。
|
a*******e
发帖数: 346 | 25 用RSS阅读器Google reader之类 下面这个地址
http://www.economist.com/rss/printedition/economist_printedition.xml
【在 s**********t 的大作中提到】
: 操，好！如果每一期都有就好了
|
s**********t
发帖数: 2401 | |
x*********g
发帖数: 11508 | 27 re.
确实08年改变很多。
【在 M**d 的大作中提到】
: 再次谢谢你给我机会对旁观者说，不要觉得你做得基本没用。我非常明显到，至少在媒
: 体的读者评论里面，为中国说话的，比起08年以前的，要明显增多，而且很多是外国人
: 写的（从英语用词感觉）。08年是一个值得纪念的年份，可以说是西方反华舆论的滑铁
: 卢年，导火索是对西藏暴乱的报道。改变了我，相信很多人，的想法。然后四川地震、
: 奥运等一系列事情，似乎海外民心大回归。这些人已经在网上形成了一种正面客观宣传
: 中国的力量。我们不指望能够撼动美国的舆论机器，但我们在西方媒体上的评论，一两
: 句话都是有作用的，只要你能体现一种成熟的学术气质。请相信，这么多人，每人一个
: 星期在西方媒体上来一两句，有用的。
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t***u
发帖数: 807 | 28 赞。
【在 M**d 的大作中提到】
: 再次谢谢你给我机会对旁观者说，不要觉得你做得基本没用。我非常明显到，至少在媒
: 体的读者评论里面，为中国说话的，比起08年以前的，要明显增多，而且很多是外国人
: 写的（从英语用词感觉）。08年是一个值得纪念的年份，可以说是西方反华舆论的滑铁
: 卢年，导火索是对西藏暴乱的报道。改变了我，相信很多人，的想法。然后四川地震、
: 奥运等一系列事情，似乎海外民心大回归。这些人已经在网上形成了一种正面客观宣传
: 中国的力量。我们不指望能够撼动美国的舆论机器，但我们在西方媒体上的评论，一两
: 句话都是有作用的，只要你能体现一种成熟的学术气质。请相信，这么多人，每人一个
: 星期在西方媒体上来一两句，有用的。
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D**S
发帖数: 24887 | 29 You can subscribe to it to save money.
【在 s**********t 的大作中提到】
: 一本要6欧元，舍不得买
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D**S
发帖数: 24887 | 30 You can subscribe to it to save money. Cheapest way of subscription is by
using airline miles. If I am not wrong you
can get a year's subscription to the Economist (hard copy not the electronic
version) for 2600 miles with some US-
based airline such as United or Delta. If you are based in non-US areas then
I have no ideas what your options are,
but it is true you do not want to buy the magazine just from a newstand.
【在 s**********t 的大作中提到】
: 一本要6欧元，舍不得买
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r********n
发帖数: 7441 | 31 you said it
learned a new word from the pussy value view point: anoint
【在 b****s 的大作中提到】
: 啧啧啧，看看人家这行文、用词，和修辞，时不时代表下全世界，然后贩卖点私货，中
: 宣部真是得好好学学！
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l******6
发帖数: 5698 | 32 ding!
【在 M**d 的大作中提到】
: 再次谢谢你给我机会对旁观者说，不要觉得你做得基本没用。我非常明显到，至少在媒
: 体的读者评论里面，为中国说话的，比起08年以前的，要明显增多，而且很多是外国人
: 写的（从英语用词感觉）。08年是一个值得纪念的年份，可以说是西方反华舆论的滑铁
: 卢年，导火索是对西藏暴乱的报道。改变了我，相信很多人，的想法。然后四川地震、
: 奥运等一系列事情，似乎海外民心大回归。这些人已经在网上形成了一种正面客观宣传
: 中国的力量。我们不指望能够撼动美国的舆论机器，但我们在西方媒体上的评论，一两
: 句话都是有作用的，只要你能体现一种成熟的学术气质。请相信，这么多人，每人一个
: 星期在西方媒体上来一两句，有用的。
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c****h
发帖数: 4968 | |
c******k
发帖数: 8998 | 34 5年前有多少人知道奥巴马？
【在 c****h 的大作中提到】
: 说习太子没有经验，也不看看黑巴马有多少经验。
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c****h
发帖数: 4968 | 35 昨天我一个白人朋友还在说，巴马只会讲演，毫无治国的经验，两年来没有做什么实事
。他原来是demo的大contibutor,今年中期选举居然倒向ROP。民主党今年中选绝对滑铁
卢。
【在 c******k 的大作中提到】
: 5年前有多少人知道奥巴马？
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s**********t
发帖数: 2401 | 36 米犹选出来的总统本来就是个屌毛，身后拴着线儿，木偶人而已
【在 c****h 的大作中提到】
: 昨天我一个白人朋友还在说，巴马只会讲演，毫无治国的经验，两年来没有做什么实事
: 。他原来是demo的大contibutor,今年中期选举居然倒向ROP。民主党今年中选绝对滑铁
: 卢。
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l**k
发帖数: 45267 | 37 其实都是一回事，你劝他别折腾了
【在 c****h 的大作中提到】
: 昨天我一个白人朋友还在说，巴马只会讲演，毫无治国的经验，两年来没有做什么实事
: 。他原来是demo的大contibutor,今年中期选举居然倒向ROP。民主党今年中选绝对滑铁
: 卢。
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f****e
发帖数: 24964 | 38 这是人身攻击啊，习太子保护人民之前，先练习一下如何保护自己的名誉权
i
hi
cou
【在 m*******e 的大作中提到】
: http://www.economist.com/node/17308123
: China's succession
: The next emperor
: A crown prince is anointed in a vast kingdom facing vaster stresses. China i
: s in a fragile state
: Oct 21st 2010
: http://www.economist.com/sites/default/files/images/images-magazine/2010/10/
: 23/ld/20101023_ldp002.jpg
: “WITH you in charge, I am at ease,” Mao Zedong is supposed to have told hi
: s successor, Hua Guofeng. It proved a disastrous choice. Mr Hua lasted a cou
|
