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Military版 - 在美国领馆的36小时:美方官员称王立军相当令人讨厌 (转载)
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zz: NYTimes: Frenzied Hours for U.S. on Fate of a China Insider英媒: 书记还要负责另外两条人命
纽约时报说王没有把材料交给美领馆ZT美联社很搓啊,居然说美国领事馆是在重庆。。。
前美国在台高官:日本永远不会被中国击垮纽约时报报道维基解密:中共政治局发动入侵Google电脑的行动. (转载)
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China Sees U.S. as Competitor and Declining Power, Insider Says纽约时报:美外交官证实王立军曾寻求政治庇护
薄谷开来,林叶群,毛江青大部分国家就是象征性做个样子
海伍德家属:海伍德之死并非谋杀火化是遵家属意愿美国拒绝从委内瑞拉撤出外交人员
英报描述书记和王立军决裂的细节中国不满美国涉足南中国海争端
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M******8
发帖数: 10589
1
【 以下文字转载自 Headline 讨论区 】
发信人: Cnews (chinanews), 信区: Headline
标 题: 在美国领馆的36小时:美方官员称王立军相当令人讨厌
发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Wed Nov 7 19:16:06 2012, 美东)
根据没有透露姓名的美国行政官员、国会助手和外交官提供的信息,前重庆市副市长兼公安局长王立军在美国驻成都领事馆短暂停留时,美方因为美中关系需要和谐、运送王立军出境在操作上困难重重,以及王立军很可能不符合避难条件而拒绝了他的庇护请求,同时根据国务院指示,领馆为王立军联络北京方面的官员提供了协助。王立军没有给美国人留下书面文件,但谈到了中国的权力、政治和腐败之间纠结不清的关系。
原文:Frenzied Hours for U.S. on Fate of a China Insider
作者:STEVEN LEE MYERS 和 MARK LANDLER
本文由"译者"志愿者翻译并校对
华盛顿——在2月6日傍晚,重庆副市长——有着打黑盛名的王立军出现在成都的美领馆,他焦虑不安,讲述了有关腐败和谋杀的事件,让奥巴马政府陷入了不想搅进的一潭浑水。
中国的安全部队很快包围了美领馆的建筑,要求美国外交人员把王立军交出来,而他则担心自己的生命安全而寻求庇护。
最后,在一场激烈的上至白宫的辩论之后,王立军在美领馆中停留到他可以让北京外交部的一名官员在36小时后赶到,护送他离开当地安全部队划下的警戒区。北京当局把他拘押了起来,现在他在接受调查,因为他把中国的事务透露给了美国人。如果他的"叛国罪"成立的话,他可能面临死刑。
王立军掌握的信息涉及薄熙来,到上个月为止,薄熙来还是重庆的党委书记,他也是王立军曾经的庇护人,后来薄王之间的反目让王立军前往领馆寻求避难。这是据听过简报的美国行政官员、国会助手和外交官们的说法。
这种说法还包括:负责此事美国外交官认为,要把他带出中国困难重重,同时对他是否符合政治庇护的条件也有疑问,因而先发制人地不把这次短暂的、奇怪的停留当成是任何寻求庇护的正式申请。他们说,国务院保护了他,没有让他被忠实于薄熙来的警察逮捕(尽管很险),并确保他可以向北京提出检控。
这些控告让薄熙来下台,他的妻子谷开来现在则因为谋杀英国商人尼尔·伍德而接受调查。这是一个世代以来,中国领导人们要面对的牵涉到美国和英国的最大丑闻。
一名高级政府官员说:"他(指王立军)不是被抛出去的。"
但是,一些国会中的共和党人质疑奥巴马政府错误地处理王立军事件,把他交给了中国当局,而当时他想交给我们的是能影响中共最高层的权力斗争的爆炸性信息。
王立军进入领馆的时机对当局来说再敏感不过了:就在中国可能的未来领导人,习近平在副总统拜登的邀请下即将访问华盛顿的前一周。如果接受王立军的避难申请的话,习近平访美有可能泡汤或生变。
即使是现在,被一名国会官员形容为"谍影重重"的这一事件也对[美中]关系造成了紧张风险,而白宫希望可以处理好中国的崛起,并能够在有关北韩和伊朗核武控制、以及叙利亚政府镇压反对派等事件上获得北京的支持。
结果,美国所能起的作用就是沉默不语。北京大使馆的官员、国务院和白宫都拒绝公开置评王立军和美国外交官的接触,也闭口不谈他对中国突如其来的内部政治动荡的爆料。
亚洲协会美中关系中心的主任Orville Schell说:"美国要是在中国的家族斗争中打什么公开牌的话,那是极其愚蠢的。美国和中国非常需要和谐相处,如果有什么是让中国人神经紧张的话,那就是私人事务在外国人面前以一种令人尴尬的方式被公开了。"
众议院对外事务委员会的女主席,Ileana Ros-Lehtinen(也是佛罗里达的一名共和党人),在二月份向国务卿希拉里·克林顿去信,要求公开所有和此案有关的外交电报、邮件和回忆记录。这种情况下,她提出的质疑有关"采取了什么步骤来确保每个的国家利益和王立军的个人安全"。国务院还没有回复。
根据国务院的说法,美国不能给任何走进使馆区的人授予庇护,因为要把一个人送出一个主权国家有着法律和实际上的复杂性。通常因为政治观点或宗教信仰遭受迫害、寻求庇护的人要在所在国之外申请,无论是在美国本土还是第三国。
虽有例外,但很罕见。
1989年6月,中国的异议人士方励之走进了北京的美国使馆,这是天安门事件发生之后的第二天。使馆先是拒绝,后来布什总统当局为他提供了避难,这种对峙持续了一年,直到中国方面以"接受治疗"的名义允许他离境。(方励之先生在4月6日于亚利桑那去世,享年76岁,点击这里查看更多。)
但是,这一案件非常不同。王立军是重庆的副市长,在和薄熙来反目之前负责公安,他不是一名政治异议人士。当他是薄熙来最倚重的左膀右臂之一的时候,他在重庆因为无情和无视法律而名声在外。
这些外交官员们感觉,这些都让授予他庇护变得完全不可能。根据一名听取了简报的官员的说法(他和其他人一样都没有透露自己的姓名),他们告诉国务院,在通告了白宫的高层官员关于王立军的情况之后,他们协助王立军被转移到北京,从而从一开始就避免了处理这一棘手问题。国务院作出了这样的处理决定,而不是白宫的官员,具体是谁,他们则没有说。
奥巴马政府的前中国政策顾问Jeffrey A. Bader说:" 在中国发生天安门抗议当时向重要的人权标志人物授予庇护是特别案例。这不应该被视作惯例,特别是对一名前省级公安官员,领馆的外面还被数百名中国安全部队包围。"
成都的领馆中有大约30名美国官员,管理签证和中国西南的商业事务。官员们说,总领事何孟德(Peter Haymond)当时不在成都,这就把王立军的事留给了下级处理。他们通报了北京的大使馆,后者又通知了华盛顿。
美国官员们说,王立军带着一些详细的控告薄熙来和谷开来的文件,但是他没有交给美国人。内容无从知晓,不过一名官员说这些是在重庆进行公安调查时的技术性文件。王立军被允许和北京的官员通电话,他希望他们可以帮助他。同时,他开始与外交官们零零散散地谈了在中国权力、政治和腐败之间纠结不清的关系。
一名国会的官员说:"不是象预期得那么连贯一致,不过他的确提供一些内幕信息。"而克林顿政府的前中国顾问李侃如(Kenneth G. Lieberthal)则这么说:"当王立军走进美领馆的时候,有两件事是确定的:这是件大事儿,还有就是,这是一位相当令人讨厌的人物。走进来的可不是达赖喇嘛。"(译注:在西方,达赖喇嘛尊者被普遍认为是令人尊敬的因为宗教和政治观点而遭受迫害的人物,应被授予庇护。)
G***G
发帖数: 16778
2
English version, please.

兼公安局长王立军在美国驻成都领事馆短暂停留时,美方因为美中关系需要和谐、运送
王立军出境在操作上困难重重,以及王立军很可能不符合避难条件而拒绝了他的庇护请
求,同时根据国务院指示,
馆,他焦虑不安,讲述了有关腐败和谋杀的事件,让奥巴马政府陷入了不想搅进的一潭
浑水。
则担心自己的生命安全而寻求庇护。

【在 M******8 的大作中提到】
: 【 以下文字转载自 Headline 讨论区 】
: 发信人: Cnews (chinanews), 信区: Headline
: 标 题: 在美国领馆的36小时:美方官员称王立军相当令人讨厌
: 发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Wed Nov 7 19:16:06 2012, 美东)
: 根据没有透露姓名的美国行政官员、国会助手和外交官提供的信息,前重庆市副市长兼公安局长王立军在美国驻成都领事馆短暂停留时,美方因为美中关系需要和谐、运送王立军出境在操作上困难重重,以及王立军很可能不符合避难条件而拒绝了他的庇护请求,同时根据国务院指示,领馆为王立军联络北京方面的官员提供了协助。王立军没有给美国人留下书面文件,但谈到了中国的权力、政治和腐败之间纠结不清的关系。
: 原文:Frenzied Hours for U.S. on Fate of a China Insider
: 作者:STEVEN LEE MYERS 和 MARK LANDLER
: 本文由"译者"志愿者翻译并校对
: 华盛顿——在2月6日傍晚,重庆副市长——有着打黑盛名的王立军出现在成都的美领馆,他焦虑不安,讲述了有关腐败和谋杀的事件,让奥巴马政府陷入了不想搅进的一潭浑水。
: 中国的安全部队很快包围了美领馆的建筑,要求美国外交人员把王立军交出来,而他则担心自己的生命安全而寻求庇护。

M******8
发帖数: 10589
3
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/18/world/asia/details-emerge-on-
Frenzied Hours for U.S. on Fate of a China InsiderBy STEVEN LEE MYERS and
MARK LANDLER
WASHINGTON — On the evening of Feb. 6, a vice mayor of a major Chinese city
who had a reputation as a crime fighter turned up at the American Consulate
in Chengdu in an agitated state, telling a tale of corruption and murder
that has ensnared the Obama administration in a scandal it wants nothing to
do with.
The official, Wang Lijun, sought asylum, fearing for his life even as
Chinese security forces quickly surrounded the building and asked the
American diplomats inside to turn him over.
Instead, after a frantic debate that reached the White House, Mr. Wang
stayed until he could arrange for an official from a Beijing ministry to
come 36 hours later and escort him past the local security cordon. The
authorities from Beijing took him into custody, and he is now under
investigation for divulging internal Chinese affairs to the Americans. If
charged with and convicted of treason, he could face a death sentence.
The information Mr. Wang possessed involved Bo Xilai, who was the Communist
Party chief in Chongqing until last month and Mr. Wang’s onetime patron
before a falling-out led Mr. Wang to seek refuge in the consulate, according
to administration officials, Congressional aides, diplomats and others
briefed on what had happened.
According to the officials’ version, the American diplomats who oversaw his
brief, bizarre stay pre-empted any formal application for asylum because of
the difficulties of spiriting him out of the country and questions about
his eligibility. Instead, they said, the State Department shielded him from
almost certain arrest by police officers loyal to Mr. Bo and ensured he
could make his accusations in Beijing.
Those charges brought down Mr. Bo and his wife, Gu Kailai, who is now under
investigation in the murder of a British businessman, Neil Heywood, and
involved the United States and Britain in the biggest scandal facing China’
s leadership in a generation.
“He was not tossed out,” a senior administration official said, referring
to Mr. Wang.
Some Republicans in Congress question, however, whether the Obama
administration mishandled Mr. Wang’s case and left him to the mercy of the
Chinese authorities when he had sought to pass along explosive information
that affected a power struggle at the top of the Chinese Communist Party.
Mr. Wang’s arrival at the consulate could not have come at a more sensitive
moment for the administration: just a week before China’s likely future
leader, Xi Jinping, was scheduled to visit Washington at the invitation of
Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. Granting asylum to Mr. Wang could have
soured or scuttled Mr. Xi’s trip.
Even now, the episode — which one Congressional official described as “a
‘Bourne Supremacy’ plot” — risks straining relations as the White House
hopes to manage China’s rise and enlist its support on issues like the
nuclear ambitions of North Korea and Iran and the government crackdown in
Syria.
As a result, the American role has been shrouded in silence. Officials at
the embassy in Beijing, the State Department and the White House have
declined to comment publicly on Mr. Wang’s contacts with American diplomats
or the implications of his whistle-blowing on China’s suddenly turbulent
internal politics.
“It would be incredibly foolish for the U.S. to play any public cards in
this very messy Chinese family feud,” said Orville Schell, the director of
the Center on U.S.-China Relations at the Asia Society. “The U.S. and China
urgently need to get along, and if there is one thing the Chinese are
neuralgic about, it is when their private affairs get aired before
foreigners in an embarrassing way.”
The chairwoman of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, Representative
Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Republican of Florida, wrote to Secretary of State
Hillary Rodham Clinton in February demanding the release of all cables, e-
mails and memos related to the case. The circumstances, she wrote, raised
question about “what steps were taken to secure U.S. national interests and
Mr. Wang’s personal safety.” The State Department has not yet complied.
According to the State Department, the United States cannot simply grant
asylum to anyone who walks into a diplomatic compound, given the legal and
logistical complications of spiriting someone out of a sovereign nation.
Asylum seekers — who typically face persecution for political or religious
beliefs — usually apply outside their own nation, whether in the United
States or a third country.
There are exceptions, but they are rare.
In June 1989, the Chinese dissident Fang Lizhi walked into the American
Embassy in Beijing a day after security forces attacked protesters in
Tiananmen Square. The embassy at first resisted, but the administration of
President George Bush offered him sanctuary, provoking a standoff that
lasted a year until the Chinese allowed him to leave, ostensibly for medical
treatment. (Mr. Fang died in Arizona on April 6; he was 76.)
This case, however, differs significantly. Mr. Wang, a vice mayor in
Chongqing who had overseen the police before a falling-out with Mr. Bo, is
no political dissident. During his years as one of Mr. Bo’s top aides, he
had a reputation in Chongqing for ruthless and arbitrary enforcement of the
law.
That made a decision on asylum all but impossible, the diplomats felt,
according to one official briefed on the case, who like others would speak
only on condition of anonymity. He and others said the State Department,
after informing senior White House officials about Mr. Wang, had avoided
that sticky question from that start by facilitating Mr. Wang’s transfer to
Beijing. The decision to proceed that way was made by the State Department,
those who were briefed said, not the White House officials, whom they
declined to identify.
“Granting asylum to a major human-rights icon in China, during the midst of
the Tiananmen Square uprising, is a special case,” said Jeffrey A. Bader,
a former China policy adviser to President Obama. “It should not be seen as
a precedent, especially in the case of a former provincial police
commissioner, with hundreds of Chinese security forces assembled outside the
consulate.”
The consulate in Chengdu, with roughly 30 American officials, oversees visas
and commercial affairs for southwestern China. The consul general, Peter
Haymond, was not in Chengdu at the time, officials said, leaving Mr. Wang’s
case to subordinates. They alerted the embassy in Beijing, which flagged
Washington.
Mr. Wang arrived with documents detailing accusations against Mr. Bo and Ms.
Gu, but he did not hand them over, the American officials said. The
contents are not known, though one official described them as technical
descriptions of police investigations in Chongqing. Mr. Wang was allowed to
make phone calls to officials in Beijing he hoped would help him. In the
meantime, he regaled startled diplomats with a rambling but ultimately
revealing discourse on the murky intersection of power, politics and
corruption in China.
“Not everything was coherent, as you would expect,” a Congressional
official said, “but he did provide some good insights.” As Kenneth G.
Lieberthal, a former China adviser in the Clinton administration, put it: “
Two things were clear the moment he walked in: this was a very big deal, and
this was a very unsavory character. This is not the Dalai Lama who walked
in the door.”
Sharon LaFraniere contributed reporting from Beijing.
This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:
Correction: April 17, 2012
A previous version of this article stated that Gu Kailai was charged with
the murder of Neil Heywood. Ms. Gu is under investigation for the murder,
and has not yet been charged.
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