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Salon版 - 维基解密:李长春,周永康与攻击谷歌事件有关/纽约时报 (转载)
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j**n
发帖数: 13789
1
【 以下文字转载自 ChinaNews 讨论区 】
发信人: jnyn (hamster), 信区: ChinaNews
标 题: 维基解密:李长春,周永康与攻击谷歌事件有关/纽约时报
发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Sun Dec 5 03:28:53 2010, 美东)
(博讯北京时间2010年12月05日 来稿)
中文摘要:

2009年5月18日的电报,标题为"Google(谷歌)为反审查付出的代价"(Google China
Paying Price for Resisting Censorship)的内容显示: (博讯 boxun.com)

中国的最高权力机构,中共政治局常委,李长春,在google.com输入了他的名字,结果
发现了让他"很紧张的信息".

电报说,中国领导人不会考虑民主和互联网自由开放.

消息人士说"在过去,很多官员担心,网络可能无法控制.","但经过谷歌事件和其他
增加的监控,如'实名登记制度',他们得出一个结论:网络是可以从根本上控制的."该人
士说.

中国政府的这种信心也在以后的电报多次出现,自2002年起,中国政府成功入侵美国
政府,民营企业和西方盟国的电脑系统.
电报说,与李长春同属政治局委员的周永康,由于周永康是中国顶级安全官员,他与
入侵Goole事件可能也有关系.

电报说,2008年政府的黑客在上海,通过发送"加薪调查与预测"等类似的诱饵电子邮
件(email),一次就获得了超过50M的电子邮件信息,包括完整的用户名和密码.

被称为"鬼网"的网络监控系统,偷取了达赖喇嘛和南亚各国政府的电脑资料.

Google(谷歌)被要求删除达赖喇嘛和像1989年天安门大屠杀等资料.

中国官员也要求美国政府向Google施加压力,要求Google降低中文版谷歌地球(
google earth)的卫星图像的分辨率.美国外交官说,Google是一间私人公司,但也会把中
国的要求报告给美国政府,但他不知道美国政府会如何处理这一要求.

中方官员认为Google(谷歌)删除的搜索结果不足,这些搜索结果中包括:持不同政见
者,人权问题,中央和省级中国领导人和他们的孩子等信息.

中方官员声称,谷歌地球(google earth,卫星地图软件),提供了详尽的"中国的军事
,核子,航天,能源和其他敏感的政府机构设施的图片" 这是对恐怖分子有用的资料。

2006年11月7日的电报显示,外交部部长助理刘结一警告美国驻北京大使馆,如果恐
怖分子利用了卫星图像,将有"严重后果".

另外一份电报显示,当在谷歌搜索政治敏感词时,有时会被自动重定向到百度.

原文:

http://www.nytimes.com/2010/12/05/world/asia/05wikileaks-china.html

Cables Discuss Vast Hacking by a China That Fears the Web
By JAMES GLANZ and JOHN MARKOFF
Published: December 4, 2010

As China ratcheted up the pressure on Google to censor its Internet
searches last year, the American Embassy sent a secret cable to Washington
detailing why top Chinese leaders had become so obsessed with the Internet
search company: they were Googling themselves.

The May 18, 2009, cable, titled “Google China Paying Price for
Resisting Censorship,” quoted a well-placed source as saying that Li
Changchun, a member of China’s top ruling body, the Politburo Standing
Committee, and the country’s senior propaganda official, was taken aback to
discover that he could conduct Chinese-language searches on Google’s main
international Web site. When Mr. Li typed his name into the search engine at
google.com, he found “results critical of him.”

That cable from American diplomats was one of many made public by
WikiLeaks that portray China’s leadership as nearly obsessed with the
threat posed by the Internet to their grip on power — and, the reverse, by
the opportunities it offered them, through hacking, to obtain secrets stored
in computers of its rivals, especially the United States.

Extensive Chinese hacking operations, including one leveled at Google,
are a central theme in the cables. The hacking operations began earlier and
were aimed at a wider array of American government and military data than
generally known, including attacks on computers of American diplomats
preparing positions on a climate change treaty.

One cable, dated early this year, quoted a Chinese person with family
connections to the elite as saying that Mr. Li himself directed an attack on
Google’s servers in the United States, though that claim has been called
into question. In an interview with The New York Times, the person cited in
the cable said that Mr. Li personally led a campaign against Google’s
operations in China but that to his knowledge had no role in the hacking
attack.

The cables catalog the heavy pressure that was placed on Google to
comply with local censorship laws, as well as Google’s willingness to
comply — up to a point. That coercion began building years before the
company finally decided to pull out of China last spring in the wake of the
successful hacking attack on its home servers, which yielded Chinese
dissidents’ e-mail accounts as well as Google’s proprietary source code.

The demands on Google went well beyond removing material on subjects
like the Dalai Lama or the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre. Chinese officials
also put pressure on the United States government to censor the Google
Earth satellite imaging service by lowering the resolution of images of
Chinese government facilities, warning that Washington could be held
responsible if terrorists used that information to attack Chinese government
or military facilities, the cables show. An American diplomat replied that
Google was a private company and that he would report the request to
Washington but that he had no sense about how the American government would
act.

Yet despite the hints of paranoia that appear in some cables, there are
also clear signs that Chinese leaders do not consider the Internet an
unstoppable force for openness and democracy, as some Americans believe.

In fact, this spring, around the time of the Google pullout, China’s
State Council Information Office delivered a triumphant report to the
leadership on its work to regulate traffic online, according to a crucial
Chinese contact cited by the State Department in a cable in early 2010, when
contacted directly by The New York Times.

The message delivered by the office, the person said, was that “in the
past, a lot of officials worried that the Web could not be controlled.”

“But through the Google incident and other increased controls and
surveillance, like real-name registration, they reached a conclusion: the
Web is fundamentally controllable,” the person said.

That confidence may also reflect what the cables show are repeated and
often successful hacking attacks from China on the United States government,
private enterprises and Western allies that began by 2002, several years
before such intrusions were widely reported in the United States.

At least one previously unreported attack in 2008, code-named Byzantine
Candor by American investigators, yielded more than 50 megabytes of e-mail
messages and a complete list of user names and passwords from an American
government agency, a Nov. 3, 2008, cable revealed for the first time.

Precisely how these hacking attacks are coordinated is not clear. Many
appear to rely on Chinese freelancers and an irregular army of “patriotic
hackers” who operate with the support of civilian or military authorities,
but not directly under their day-to-day control, the cables and interviews
suggest.

But the cables also appear to contain some suppositions by Chinese and
Americans passed along by diplomats. For example, the cable dated earlier
this year referring to the hacking attack on Google said: “A well-placed
contact claims that the Chinese government coordinated the recent intrusions
of Google systems. According to our contact, the closely held operations
were directed at the Politburo Standing Committee level.”

The cable goes on to quote this person as saying that the hacking of
Google “had been coordinated out of the State Council Information Office
with the oversight” of Mr. Li and another Politburo member, Zhou Yongkang.
” Mr. Zhou is China’s top security official.

But the person cited in the cable said he did not make that claim, and
also doubted that Mr. Li directed a hacking attack aimed at securing
commercial secrets or dissidents’ e-mail accounts — something considered
the purview of security officials.

Still, the cables provide a patchwork of detail about cyberattacks that
State Department and embassy officials believe originated in China with
either the assistance or knowledge of the Chinese military.

For example, in 2008 Chinese intruders based in Shanghai and linked to
the People’s Liberation Army used a computer document labeled “salary
increase — survey and forecast” as bait as part of the sophisticated
intrusion scheme that yielded more than 50 megabytes of electronic mail
messages and a complete list of user names and passwords from a United
States government agency that was not identified.

The cables indicate that the American government has been fighting a
pitched battle with intruders who have been clearly identified as using
Chinese-language keyboards and physically located in China. In most cases
the intruders took great pains to conceal their identities, but occasionally
they let their guard down. In one case described in the documents,
investigators tracked one of the intruders who was surfing the Web in Taiwan
“for personal use.”

In June 2009 during climate change talks between the United States and
China, the secretary of state’s office sent a secret cable warning about e-
mail “spear phishing” attacks directed at five State Department employees
in the Division of Ocean Affairs of the Office of the Special Envoy for
Climate Change.

The messages, which purport to come from a National Journal columnist,
had the subject line “China and Climate Change.” The e-mail contained a
PDF file that was intended to install a malicious software program known as
Poison Ivy, which was meant to give an intruder complete control of the
victim’s computer. That attack failed.

The cables also reveal that a surveillance system dubbed Ghostnet that
stole information from the computers used by the exiled Tibetan spiritual
leader, the Dalai Lama, and South Asian governments and was uncovered in
2009 was linked to a second broad series of break-ins into American
government computers code-named Byzantine Hades. Government investigators
were able to make a “tenuous connection” between those break-ins and the
People’s Liberation Army.

The documents also reveal that in 2008 German intelligence briefed
American officials on similar attacks beginning in 2006 against the German
government, including military, economic, science and technology, commercial
, diplomatic, and research and development targets. The Germans described
the attacks as preceding events like the German government’s meetings with
the Chinese government.

Even as such attacks were occurring, Google made a corporate decision in
2006, controversial even within the company, to establish a domestic
Chinese version of its search engine, called google.cn. In doing so, it
agreed to comply with China’s censorship laws.

But despite that concession, Chinese officials were never comfortable
with Google, the cables and interviews show.

The Chinese claimed that Google Earth, the company’s satellite mapping
software, offered detailed “images of China’s military, nuclear, space,
energy and other sensitive government agency installations” that would be
an asset to terrorists. A cable sent on Nov. 7, 2006, reported that Liu
Jieyi, an assistant minister of foreign affairs, warned the American Embassy
in Beijing that there would be “grave consequences” if terrorists
exploited the imagery.

A year later, another cable pointed out that Google searches for
politically delicate terms would sometimes be automatically redirected to
Baidu, the Chinese company that was Google’s main competitor in China.
Baidu is known for scrubbing its own search engine of results that might be
unwelcome to government censors.

Google conducted numerous negotiations with officials in the State
Council Information Office and other departments involved in censorship,
propaganda and media licensing, the cables show. The May 18, 2009, cable
that revealed pressure on the company by Mr. Li, the propaganda chief, said
Google had taken some measures “to try and placate the government.”

But Chinese officials became alarmed that Google still did less than its
Chinese rivals to remove material Chinese officials considered offensive.
Such material included information about Chinese dissidents and human rights
issues, but also about central and provincial Chinese leaders and their
children — considered an especially taboo topic, interviews with people
quoted in the cables reveal.

Mr. Li, after apparently searching for information online on himself and
his children, was reported to have stepped up pressure on Google. He also
took steps to punish Google commercially, according to the May 18 cable.

The propaganda chief ordered three big state-owned Chinese
telecommunications companies to stop doing business with Google. Mr. Li also
demanded that Google executives remove any link between its sanitized
Chinese Web site and its main international one, which he deemed “an
illegal site,” the cable said.

Google ultimately stopped complying with repeated censorship requests.
It withdrew from China earlier this year, citing both the hacking attacks
and its unwillingness to continue obeying censorship orders. [博讯来稿] (博
讯 boxun.com)
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