b*******n
发帖数: 473 | 1 Humphrey, Caronline, 2002, 'Riturals of Death as a context for understanding
personal property in Socialist Mongolia', The Journal of Royal
Anthropological Institute, 8(1), pp.65-67
This article proposes that we rethink 'the concept of personal property', （主张）
and it uses the example of Mongolian rituals of death
in the socilist 1980s （例子）
as a context for exploring this idea .
1. （具体地说）These riturals
are not the occoastion for dividing up property among inheritors
(this has usually been agreed upon long before death)
but involve a series of actions that specify the deceased's relations with
material things.
Objects become personal property through prolonged use and physical interation.
The rites are concerned with the deceased's relations with such things, focused on
desire, relinquishment, dependence, and other emotions.
The article thus shifts attention back to the 'person-thing' aspect of property.
(小结)
2. It also discusses the socio-political contexts in which such a relation becomes
important
and argues that socialist society did not elimiate but rather opened up contexts
in which such personalization could occur. （第二个讨论）
It is argued more generally that personal property so situated is quite different
from the 'priviate property' that is so prominent in capitalist society. (指出广泛
的共识)
This in turn requires us to rethink the way that 'possession' may be imagined, and
to consider forms of proerty that are conceptualised more in terms of human
attachment to objects than as exclusionary relations vis-a-vis other owners. （进
一步的想法）
The Mongolian ethnography suggest that, just as people alter material things by
long and intensive interation with them, there are categories of personal property
that also change their owners, since actions of using, giving up, donation, and so
forth are ethical matters that transforms the person. （具体的想法）
[建议]
[80年代社会主义的]
[探索这一想法]
[，这些葬礼不是继承者分割财产的场合]
[（这一点在通常在死前很久已经达成一致意见了）]
[相反，这些葬礼包含一系列表明死者与物品关系的行动]
[(展开)物品通过长期的使用和实际的交互成为私人/自用财产。葬礼关心死者与这些物品的关
系，集中关注欲望，放棄，依赖和其他感情。]
[本文因此将注意力转回到财产概念的‘人-物’关系方面。]
[这种关系变得重要的社会-政治背景][本文认为，社会主义社会没有消灭，反而打开了这种私
人化可以发生的背景。]
[此种处境中的私人/自用的财产与资本主义社会中高调的'私有财产'是非常不同的。]
[这就要求我们，去重新思考‘拥有’也许是一种想象的方式，
去考虑那种财产形式，其概念更加作为人对物品的附着，而不是面对其他拥有者的一个排斥关
系。]
[蒙古民族志提示我们，正如人们以长期集中地交互而改变了物品，私人/自用财产中也存在某
些种类，它们改变了他们的拥有者，因为使用，放弃，捐赠和其他行动是一种道德力量，可以
改变一个人。]
Introduction
This paper explores Mongolian riturals of death in the 1980s as a site for
understanding how concepts of the person and individual character may be
represented through the medium of material objects.
[本文以80年代蒙古葬礼为地点来理解人和个人性格的概念如何通过物体为媒介来呈现]
These occasions allow us to see with clarity how what we may call property exists
within a constellation of other relations between things and people.
[这些场合使我们能够清楚地看到，那些也许被我们称为财产的如何在一些事物和人的关系组
中存在。]
In a series of rituals, objects such as tiny quantities of symbolic substances,
paper models and small possessions of the dead person are set out,
and interpretations of these reveal the many facets of the deceased's meaning for
the bereaved.
[一系列礼仪摆放了诸如象征物、纸模型、和属于死者的小物品等物体。而这些物体的解释揭
示了死者对于未亡人的意义的很多侧面。]
The relation with possessions is held to be crucial,
for it demonstrates the particular way in which the dead person handled ethical
issues such as self-denial, observance of obligations, or the inability to let go
of things.
[与所有物的关系被认为是至关重要的，因为它演示了死者处理诸如自我否认、遵守义务、或
者对放弃物体的无能为力等道德问题的特别方式。]
Thus the funeral rites reveal an aspect of property relatively little discussed in
the anthropological literature,
this being the way that a person's relation with possessions may be constituted as
a matter of character or personality, as an ethical rather than a legal relation.
The kind of property in question is what I call 'personal' - it belongs to someone
by virtue of long use and physical interation.
[这样，这些葬礼就揭示了财产的一个在人类学文献中相对较少讨论的方面，也就是说，一个
人和其所有物的关系如何被作为一个性格或者个性问题来构成，如何作为一个道德而不是法律
的关系。]
[问题中的这种关系我称为‘私人的/自用的’——它凭借长期使用和实际交互关系而属于某个
人]
One focus of this article, therefore, is to shift attention back to the 'person-
thing' aspect of property, but another is to draw attention to the existence of
personal property within various encompassing categories of collective property.
Most of the paper is devoted to a detailed analysis of the Mongolian case.
[因此，本文的一个重点是将我们的关注转回到财产的‘人-物’方面。本文另一个重点是，在
属于集体财产的各种包容性分类中，促使对私人/自用财产的关注。]
But this example may have more general import for the understanding of socialist
society, since not only were Mongolian concepts of personal property not erased by
the Soviet-type regime, but arguably they were enhanced by the practices of
'actually existing socialism'.
[但是这个例子也许对历届社会主义社会有更一般意义上的重要性，因为社会主义类型的政权
不但没有消灭蒙古的私人/自用财产的观念，相反，我认为，‘实际存在的社会主义’实践反
而加强了这种观念。]
（**也许正是其因果。） | b*******n
发帖数: 473 | 2 In the long history of Mongolia, funeral rites have changed, especially with the
advent of Buddhism from the seventeenth century and its brutal, though incomplete,
suppression under Russian Soviet influence (see B...).
[在蒙古的長期歷史中，特別是17世紀佛教以降，在社會主義俄國的影響下雖不徹底但殘暴的
壓制下，葬禮儀式已經發生了變化。]
Practices regarding property have also changed over the centuries, in somewhat the
same rhythm, the main transformation occurring between the 1920s and 1950s, with
the elimination of feudal relations and the drastic limitation of familial
property as Soviet-style collectivism was imposed.
[以同樣的節奏，幾個世紀以來有關財產的實踐也發生了一些變化，主要的變化發生在1920到
1950年代，由於強加的蘇聯形式的集體制，消滅了封建關係，激烈地限制了家庭財產。]
If Buddhism deprecated the individual accumulation of property, the socialist
regime (for different reasons) more or less forbade it, and it is not surprising
therefore that the standard binary distinction between private and collective
property is not very informative for Mongolia.
[如果佛教藐視財產的個人積累，社會主義政權則（因不同的理由）或多或少對之加以禁止，
而且這樣一來，不足爲奇的是，標準的私有和集體所有的財產的二分法對蒙古並不特別有益。
]
Private property as a legal category could be said hardly to have existed during
socialist times, while collective property comprised a vast, diversified, and
multi-stranded sphere. Yet relatively little is known about actual behaviour in
relation to broad brush-stroke characterizations of state, public, or socialist
property in this region, as Mongolian ethnographers had small interest in such a
topic and the country was more or less closed to foreign anthropologists.
[可以說，私有財產作爲一個法律範疇在社會主義時期幾乎沒有存在過，而集體財產則包括了
廣闊、多樣、多股的領域。但是關於粗綫條界定的這一地區的國家的、公有或者社會主義的財
產的實際行爲，相對來説我們知道的很少。這是因爲蒙古民族志者對這個話題興趣不大，而這
個國家的門對於外國人類學者或多或少是關閉的。]
It is in this context that I advance my study of death rituals and personal
property in the late socialist period of the mid-1980s. That historical context
has now vanished, for Mongolia in the 1990s abandoned Communism, promoted
privatization, and encouraged revivals of both Buddhism and shamanism.
[正是在這樣的背景下，我進一步展開了1980中社會主義晚期的葬禮和私人/自用財產的研究。
當時的歷史背景如今已經消失了，因爲蒙古在1990年代抛棄了共產主義，推進了私有化，鼓勵
了佛教和薩滿教的復興。]
But I hope that my investigation of how people in those days dealt with
significant 'things' at the time of death may be of more general import by helping
us to re-think our 'common sense metaphors' of property and possession (S) and
hence to imagine alternative epistemology of people-object relations.
[但是我希望，我對當時人們在死亡時如何處理重要的‘物品’的研究，能夠在幫助我們重新
思考我們的財產和所有物的‘常識性的隱喻’（S）方面，以及因此想象人-物關係的另一種知
識論方面，有更一般的重要性。]
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