b*****d
发帖数: 61690 | 1 多维新闻
虽然习近平打到了“新四人帮”——薄、徐、周、令，并且在新的一年里，首次邀请军
委纪委出席中纪委全会，反腐势头依然锐不可当。习近平还曾誓言把权力关进制度的笼
子里，但是《纽约时报》认为，习的反腐只是斯大林式的清洗，他却没有打算建立一个
体制，以防止将来的腐败。
《纽约时报》1月16日发表题为“习近平有选择性的惩罚”（Xi’s Selective
Punishment）的文章称，习近平的反腐运动更像是斯大林式的清洗运动，而不像是真正
整顿政府的尝试。指控是根据党章党规制定，而非根据法律制定。调查是由一些克格勃
式的干部，而非正规的司法系统进行。在案件被公开之前，中国媒体不会报道任何案件
。最能说明问题的是，清洗主要是针对特殊的党派，那些支持和效忠习近平的团体则是
安然无恙。
文章还称，很多分析家认为，习近平最重要的支持者就是那些所谓的红二代，即那些高
级共产党创始人的后代，习近平本人也是其中之一。这些特殊群体享有着难以想象的权
力，可以获得无限的资源，以及拥有无数致富的机会。他们很少被调查。
中国的高官享有不被约束的权力，直到他们没有权力了。他们可以任意提拔追随者，这
方面的权力几乎不受限制，还无耻地受贿。他们的部门就是他们的私人领域。
文章还指出，虽然习近平打到了薄熙来和周永康，但是在习近平以前的封地福建和浙江
，没有一个副省级以上的官员因贪污而被逮捕。在担任总书记前，习近平在福建和浙江
任职。近来，在网络上有人问到，为什么福建和浙江没有大老虎？这个信息几乎立马就
被删除了。
习近平不太可能让反腐运动无限发展下去。一旦习近平征服了所有可能的威胁，他将停
止反腐运动。当反腐运动结束了，习近平的追随者们将会重新恢复到他们的腐败方式。
文章最后还批评称，习近平的反腐运动虽然使得数千贪官污吏倒台，但是他却没有打算
建立一个体制，以防止将来的腐败，也没有打算将他和他的亲信的权力置于公共监督之
下。
日本《外交学者》11日也刊文认为，习近平的反腐运动既没有扳倒福建和浙江的高层官
员（这两个省是习近平以前任职过的地方），也没有打到任何他的“太子党”派里的官
员。
文章还称，然而，不论习近平的反腐运动是为了打击渎职，还是仅仅是剪除政治异己的
借口，他没有损害共产党的合法性。
习近平上台至今开展了雷厉风行的反腐运动，扳倒了被誉为“新四人帮”的薄熙来、徐
才厚、周永康以及令计划。习近平2015年1月13日表示，在反腐问题上，“坚持无禁区
、全覆盖、零容忍，严肃查处腐败分子，着力营造不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐的政治氛围
。”
此外，1月14日，十八届中央纪委五次全会闭幕，这次的中纪委全会邀请了军纪委成员
参加，而此前并未出现类似情况。 |
x******g
发帖数: 33885 | 2 纽约时报懂什么啊？
【在 b*****d 的大作中提到】
: 多维新闻
: 虽然习近平打到了“新四人帮”——薄、徐、周、令，并且在新的一年里，首次邀请军
: 委纪委出席中纪委全会，反腐势头依然锐不可当。习近平还曾誓言把权力关进制度的笼
: 子里，但是《纽约时报》认为，习的反腐只是斯大林式的清洗，他却没有打算建立一个
: 体制，以防止将来的腐败。
: 《纽约时报》1月16日发表题为“习近平有选择性的惩罚”（Xi’s Selective
: Punishment）的文章称，习近平的反腐运动更像是斯大林式的清洗运动，而不像是真正
: 整顿政府的尝试。指控是根据党章党规制定，而非根据法律制定。调查是由一些克格勃
: 式的干部，而非正规的司法系统进行。在案件被公开之前，中国媒体不会报道任何案件
: 。最能说明问题的是，清洗主要是针对特殊的党派，那些支持和效忠习近平的团体则是
|
s*******2
发帖数: 499 | 3 纽约时报不敢欺负穆斯林，就知道数落中国，柿子挑软的捏。 |
L*********s
发帖数: 3063 | 4 说明习胖这次又做对了
★ 发自iPhone App: ChineseWeb 8.0.1
【在 b*****d 的大作中提到】
: 多维新闻
: 虽然习近平打到了“新四人帮”——薄、徐、周、令，并且在新的一年里，首次邀请军
: 委纪委出席中纪委全会，反腐势头依然锐不可当。习近平还曾誓言把权力关进制度的笼
: 子里，但是《纽约时报》认为，习的反腐只是斯大林式的清洗，他却没有打算建立一个
: 体制，以防止将来的腐败。
: 《纽约时报》1月16日发表题为“习近平有选择性的惩罚”（Xi’s Selective
: Punishment）的文章称，习近平的反腐运动更像是斯大林式的清洗运动，而不像是真正
: 整顿政府的尝试。指控是根据党章党规制定，而非根据法律制定。调查是由一些克格勃
: 式的干部，而非正规的司法系统进行。在案件被公开之前，中国媒体不会报道任何案件
: 。最能说明问题的是，清洗主要是针对特殊的党派，那些支持和效忠习近平的团体则是
|
m****m
发帖数: 2211 | 5 习近平当年在福建不怎么受待见
他也在河北干过，不过河北拿下的老虎好像是山西刚调过去的
【在 b*****d 的大作中提到】
: 多维新闻
: 虽然习近平打到了“新四人帮”——薄、徐、周、令，并且在新的一年里，首次邀请军
: 委纪委出席中纪委全会，反腐势头依然锐不可当。习近平还曾誓言把权力关进制度的笼
: 子里，但是《纽约时报》认为，习的反腐只是斯大林式的清洗，他却没有打算建立一个
: 体制，以防止将来的腐败。
: 《纽约时报》1月16日发表题为“习近平有选择性的惩罚”（Xi’s Selective
: Punishment）的文章称，习近平的反腐运动更像是斯大林式的清洗运动，而不像是真正
: 整顿政府的尝试。指控是根据党章党规制定，而非根据法律制定。调查是由一些克格勃
: 式的干部，而非正规的司法系统进行。在案件被公开之前，中国媒体不会报道任何案件
: 。最能说明问题的是，清洗主要是针对特殊的党派，那些支持和效忠习近平的团体则是
|
x****o
发帖数: 21566 | 6 说明中国还不如穆斯林？
【在 s*******2 的大作中提到】
: 纽约时报不敢欺负穆斯林，就知道数落中国，柿子挑软的捏。
|
x******h
发帖数: 13678 | 7
确实
【在 L*********s 的大作中提到】
: 说明习胖这次又做对了
:
: ★ 发自iPhone App: ChineseWeb 8.0.1
|
d*b
发帖数: 4453 | 8 Murong Xuecun
慕容雪村，男，吉林人，日本侵略中国时在东北留下的杂种。1974年出生。毕业于中
国政法大学，学过法律，曾做过职业经理人，现以码字为生。
HONG KONG — A Chinese government official I know was put under shuanggui,
the secretive system of internal Communist Party investigation in which
victims are detained, questioned without counsel and sometimes tortured. He
was held for several months last year, and he now awaits trial. This
midlevel apparatchik in Yunnan Province was responsible for city planning
and construction. I don’t know why they targeted him — shuanggui is so
opaque. Friends think he was an able official who may have taken a few
bribes. But the most probable reason for his travails with the authorities
was that his political patron also got in trouble.
I don’t know who his political godfather was, but in the last year a
tempest has shaken Yunnan, and indeed, the whole country. A huge number of
top officials have been either arrested or placed under investigation. Some
have been driven to suicide. Quite likely this official’s political sponsor
was one of these people. Whenever a top official falls, people aren’t
concerned about what he has done, but with those he might bring down with
him.
In the past two years, President Xi Jinping’s anticorruption drive has
burnished his reputation with the Chinese media. And some in the
international commentariat have also expressed support, and even praise, for
Mr. Xi’s campaign. Yet suspicions persist that the crackdown is selective.
In my view, the anticorruption push is more of a Stalinist purge than a
genuine attempt to clean up the government. Charges are framed with
reference to party regulations, not the law. Investigations are run by K.G.B
.-type cadres, not the regular judicial system. China’s media does not
report on cases until they are made public, after which there is a barrage
of almost identically worded reports used to incriminate the suspect. Most
telling of all, the purge has mainly targeted specific party factions, while
those groups that support and pledge loyalty to Mr. Xi appear untouched.
Many analysts say that Mr. Xi’s most important supporters are the so-called
second generation reds — descendants of senior Communist Party founders. (
Mr. Xi himself is one of them.) This privileged tribe enjoys almost
unimaginable power, access to limitless resources, and extraordinary
opportunities for enrichment. They are seldom investigated.
The rule-proving exception, the former Chongqing party chief Bo Xilai, fell
from grace after a power struggle rather than from the amount of money he
embezzled, as the government claimed. (Before Mr. Xi rose to power, Mr. Bo
was his most powerful rival within the party.)
Even so, the handling of Mr. Bo’s case differed greatly from those of
officials cut from humbler cloth, such as Zhou Yongkang, a former high-
ranking official without family ties to party elite who is now under
investigation for corruption. The waves of arrests during the investigation
of Mr. Zhou swept up his family, staff and extended to the departments and
places where he had worked before. To deal with Mr. Zhou, the net was cast
wide across Sichuan Province and the oil industry.
Continue reading the main story Continue reading the main story
Continue reading the main story
High officials in China exercise unchecked power (until they don’t). There
are few restrictions on their ability to promote their followers, and they
can be brazen in accepting bribes. Their departments, their territories —
these are their private domains. Just as the former party secretary of Taian
, Hu Jianxue, famously remarked, “When an official reaches my level, he
answers to no one.”
But in Mr. Xi’s former fiefdoms — before attaining national power he held
office in Fujian and Zhejiang provinces — as best I can tell not one
official above the deputy provincial level has been arrested for corruption.
Recently the question was raised in a post on the Internet: Why have no “
big tigers” been found in Fujian and Zhejiang? The message was almost
immediately deleted.
It seems unlikely that Mr. Xi will let this campaign roll on indefinitely.
If the investigations of high officials continue into Mr. Xi’s second five-
year term, it might suggest personal incompetence. Once Mr. Xi has
vanquished any possible perceived threats to his power, he will end it. And
when it’s over, Mr. Xi’s network of followers will revert to their corrupt
ways.
Yet many Chinese people harbor illusions about Mr. Xi. At a recent get
together, a professor asked me: When Xi Jinping has all the power in his
hands, what will he do with it? This professor seemed to think that Mr. Xi
might use his authority to guide China toward democracy. But this notion is
wishful thinking. For a dictator, power is not a means to an end, power is
the end.
Mr. Xi’s anticorruption drive has led to the downfall of thousands of
corrupt officials, but where are the signs that he will establish a system
that safeguards against corruption in the future? Where is the promise that
he might subject his own power or that of his cronies to oversight?
A leader who stamps on freedom of expression, basks in the praise of a
sycophantic media and fills jails with honest dissenters has no interest in
democracy. He is just another dictator. Besides, anticorruption campaigns
don’t guarantee real justice. When the government media runs reports about
cases that are still under investigation and gloats about how severely
corrupt officials are being punished, it seems improbable that the accused
will get a proper defense. They may well have committed crimes, but they
have rights too, even if they have denied them to others.
As deputy director of the Hunan Province justice department, Wan Chuanyou
oversaw the surveillance and intimidation of rights lawyers. According to
the lawyer Cai Ying, in May 2014 Mr. Wan stopped Mr. Cai several times from
meeting with someone accused in a shuanggui investigation.
Cai Ying asked him: If one day you are placed under investigation what will
you do? Wan Chuanyou answered: How could that possibly happen to me?
Five months later, Wan Chuanyou was put under shuanggui.
Murong Xuecun is a novelist and blogger and the author of “Leave Me Alone:
A Novel of Chengdu.” This article was translated by Harvey Thomlinson from
the Chinese. |
b****n
发帖数: 6896 | 9 照此说来，史达林时的清洗是人民群众喜闻乐见的啊。这纽约时报是宣传战线上的大事
故啊，要追究一下责任。 |
l**********1
发帖数: 2980 | |
|
|
l**********1
发帖数: 2980 | 11 长得真象小日本。
He
【在 d*b 的大作中提到】
: Murong Xuecun
: 慕容雪村，男，吉林人，日本侵略中国时在东北留下的杂种。1974年出生。毕业于中
: 国政法大学，学过法律，曾做过职业经理人，现以码字为生。
: HONG KONG — A Chinese government official I know was put under shuanggui,
: the secretive system of internal Communist Party investigation in which
: victims are detained, questioned without counsel and sometimes tortured. He
: was held for several months last year, and he now awaits trial. This
: midlevel apparatchik in Yunnan Province was responsible for city planning
: and construction. I don’t know why they targeted him — shuanggui is so
: opaque. Friends think he was an able official who may have taken a few
|
d*b
发帖数: 4453 | 12 别扯蛋了，什么纽约时报认为？ 一个没有工作在博客发帖的日本人杂种混混认为而已。
被你们薄党现在当经念了。
【在 b*****d 的大作中提到】
: 多维新闻
: 虽然习近平打到了“新四人帮”——薄、徐、周、令，并且在新的一年里，首次邀请军
: 委纪委出席中纪委全会，反腐势头依然锐不可当。习近平还曾誓言把权力关进制度的笼
: 子里，但是《纽约时报》认为，习的反腐只是斯大林式的清洗，他却没有打算建立一个
: 体制，以防止将来的腐败。
: 《纽约时报》1月16日发表题为“习近平有选择性的惩罚”（Xi’s Selective
: Punishment）的文章称，习近平的反腐运动更像是斯大林式的清洗运动，而不像是真正
: 整顿政府的尝试。指控是根据党章党规制定，而非根据法律制定。调查是由一些克格勃
: 式的干部，而非正规的司法系统进行。在案件被公开之前，中国媒体不会报道任何案件
: 。最能说明问题的是，清洗主要是针对特殊的党派，那些支持和效忠习近平的团体则是
|
n*****8
发帖数: 19630 | 13 你说你一个轮子，
什么时候开始投入土工怀抱的？
:)
已。
【在 d*b 的大作中提到】
: 别扯蛋了，什么纽约时报认为？ 一个没有工作在博客发帖的日本人杂种混混认为而已。
: 被你们薄党现在当经念了。
|
D**s
发帖数: 6361 | 14 欺软怕硬，有能耐就去评论一下绿教徒...
[在 brihand (brihand) 的大作中提到：]
：多维新闻
：
：........... |
b********n
发帖数: 38600 | 15
He
【在 d*b 的大作中提到】
: 别扯蛋了，什么纽约时报认为？ 一个没有工作在博客发帖的日本人杂种混混认为而已。
: 被你们薄党现在当经念了。
|
l******t
发帖数: 55733 | |
l********g
发帖数: 6760 | 17 为什么福建和浙江没有大老虎？-----因为习大大在那里的时候做了很好的表率，大家
说对不对？ |
p*r
发帖数: 5516 | 18 福建的老虎远华案撸光了，后边的破胆了
浙江当年对胖子情深意重，胖子报之以李
【在 l********g 的大作中提到】
: 为什么福建和浙江没有大老虎？-----因为习大大在那里的时候做了很好的表率，大家
: 说对不对？
|
z**********e
发帖数: 22064 | 19 除了被打倒的太子党，一个太子党也没打倒。
——小将新三八 |
j*****l
发帖数: 1624 | 20 又不会枪毙，也没伤害人民群众。
陈良宇不是还想找个厨子烧饭么，大概吃不惯北方菜。
屁个斯大林。 |
d*b
发帖数: 4453 | 21 因为他爹，他妈都是日本人日出来的，所以这厮有１／２的日本血统，也一直认为自己
是日本人，这不连名子都改了嘛。
【在 l**********1 的大作中提到】
: 长得真象小日本。
:
: He
|
c****g
发帖数: 37081 | |
